Women often feel dissatisfied with their appearance after comparing themselves to other females who epitomize the

thin-ideal standard of beauty. The current study posits that women associate a thin-ideal female body type with positive

life-success, and that it may be this psychological link that drives feelings of negativity toward the self after such upward

social comparisons. The results revealed that women reported more self-dissatisfaction and less optimism about their

possible future life outcomes after exposure to a thin-ideal female target that ostensibly had a successful life than when

the target ostensibly had an unsuccessful life.

 

 

Research indicates that while the ideal standard of beauty

for females commonly portrayed in the media has become

thinner than it had been in the past (Silverstein,

Perdue, Peterson, & Kelly, 1986), the average body size

of adult North American females has increased (Spitzer,

Henderson, & Zivian, 1999). Not surprisingly, North American

women often report being dissatisfied with their bodies

and with their weight in particular, especially after exposure

to Western media images that display a thin-ideal standard

of beauty (e.g., Cattarin, Thompson, Thomas, & Williams,

2000; Thornton&Moore, 1993). These studies suggest that

many North American women make upward social comparisons

to ideal beauty standards in the media to assess

their level of attractiveness and to evaluate their own appearance.

However, a number of studies have shown that

upward social comparisons to ideal standards of beauty can

make women feel negatively about themselves (Thornton

& Maurice, 1997, 1999).

A recent meta-analysis which examined the effects

of the mass media on female body image revealed that

women reported feeling significantly worse after exposure

to thin-ideal media images than after viewing average-sized

or plus-sized media images (Groesz, Levine, & Murnen,

2002). Similarly, a study on social comparison, body image,

 

 

 

This research was conducted in partial fulfillment of the requirements

for the author’s doctoral degree at Michigan State University.

The author thanks the three anonymous reviewers who

provided helpful comments on previous drafts of this manuscript.

Address correspondence and reprint requests to: Peggy Chin

Evans. E-mail: peggy@chin-evans.com

 

 

 

and the media showed that women who engaged in social

comparisons with thin-ideal female media images in

appearance-related commercials reported substantially

more anger, anxiety, and depression than women who

saw a non-appearance related commercial (Cattarin et al.,

2000). Taken together, these studies suggest that women

are encouraged by the media to compare themselves to

unrealistic thin-ideal standards of bodily attractiveness

(Silverstein et al., 1986), which may then lead to their

body dissatisfaction (see Myers & Biocca, 1992, for an

alternative interpretation). Although conventional wisdom

would suggest that women compare themselves to and

want to emulate the physiques of thin-ideal standards,

which, in turn, affects their perceptions of their own

bodies, this assumption may not be entirely correct.

It is possible that women strive for the thin-ideal body

type by associating thinness with positive life success, and

it may be this life success that women strive to achieve via

having a thin-ideal body.Astudy by Harrison (1997) demonstrated

a positive relationship between women’s attraction

to thin female television characters (operationalized as liking,

feeling similar to, and wanting to be like the character)

and a personal desire for thinness. This study suggests that

thinness alone may not be sufficient to explain why women

are motivated to emulate the physiques of female television

personalities. Rather, women’s desire to become more like

the thin image in terms of the character’s projected lifestyle

and personality may prompt them to strive for these thinideal

standards.

Women may feel dissatisfied with themselves after engaging

in comparisons with thin media ideals because such

standards induce women to imagine an alternative world

where they could lead very different lives if their physical

appearance were altered. Thus, the possible selves

that women generate for themselves may influence feelings

about the current self. The concept of possible selves

is defined as the elements of one’s self-concept that represent

a sense of what one might become, what one would like

to become, and what one is afraid of becoming (Markus &

Nurius, 1986). Previous studies indicate that peoples’ possible

selves are susceptible to change depending on the current

environment and may be sensitive to information that

conveys new or inconsistent “data” about the self (Markus

& Nurius, 1986). For example, a woman who is exposed

to a photograph of a thin, attractive female may feel less

attractive and expect her future possible selves to be more

negative than before seeing the photograph. Hence, how

an individual feels about her possible life-outcomes may

depend on the stimulus to which she is exposed.

The purpose of the current study is to examine how

life success stereotypes about thin-ideal females can influence

women’s self-perceptions after a social comparison to

an ideal figure. It is hypothesized that when life success

stereotypes about a thin-ideal female target are explicitly

challenged or negated, women should report more positive

self-perceptions than when these life success stereotypes

are explicitly or implicitly confirmed. The affirmation

of this hypothesis would suggest that it is more than just

body dissatisfaction that women experience after exposure

to thin-media ideals. Rather, it is also the belief that women

with ideal bodies also have ideal lives, and it may be the ideal

life that women strive to attain via having a more perfect

body.

 

 

METHOD

 

Participants

 

Participants were 126 women recruited from introductorylevel

psychology classes at a large Midwestern university

in exchange for course-related credit. Of the participants,

83.3% were European American, 11.1% were

African American, 3.2% were Asian American, and the remaining

2.4% were from other ethnic backgrounds. Participants’

ages ranged from 17 to 42 (M = 19.5, SD = 2.6)

and their body mass index (BMI) ranged from 16.1 to 60.0

(M = 24.3, SD = 5.9; Healthy BMI scores fall between 18

to 25; Korbonits et al., 1997).

 

Design and Procedure

 

Participants were told that this study was about the impact

of the media on health. Upon arriving at the laboratory,

participants were greeted by a female experimenter who

had them complete a consent form and fill out a questionnaire

asking them about their dietary habits, including

how frequently they skipped meals, ate “junk food,”

and exercised. They were also asked whether they considered

themselves to be in “good shape.” In actuality,

participants completed this measure in order to activate

their thoughts about their weight and lifestyle. Following

this, the experimenter weighed the participants in front

of a mirror and measured their height in order to make

their own physical appearance more highly salient to them.

Thoughts about their weight and physical appearance were

activated in order to increase the likelihood that participants

would attend to the physical appearance of the thinideal

targets and the lifestyle information, thereby increasing

the probability that participants would engage in social

comparisons with the thin-ideal target model on those two

dimensions.

All participants viewed one of two photographs of a thin,

attractive, European American female target (pretested for

attractiveness by a separate sample). Participants were then

randomly assigned to one of four conditions. In Condition 1,

participants read a positive-success passage about the target,

which stated that, a nationwide survey of 1,000 thin,

average-weight, and heavier women showed that “by far,

the group with the most life-satisfaction was thin women.”

Additionally, the passage stated that the target in the photograph

was contacted, and she confirmed that she enjoyed a

happy life. In Condition 2, participants read an unsuccessful

passage, which was identical to the first passage but stated,

“by far, the group with the least amount of life-satisfaction

was thin women.” The target further confirmed that she

had an unhappy life. In Condition 3, participants read a

positive-negated passage, which stated that thin women

“do not enjoy more happiness than others, are not more

successful than others, and do not benefit from any special

advantages over others.” Once again, participants were

told that the target confirmed that she had an average life

with normal “ups and downs” just like everybody else. Participants

in Condition 4 were given no information about

the target’s lifestyle. However, considerable research has

shown that thin-ideal females are typically perceived by others

to enjoy positive life success (e.g., Hebl & Heatherton,

1998).

After participants were exposed to the photographs and

lifestyle passages, they completed the life-outcomes questionnaire.

Participants then indicated how they felt at the

moment by completing the mood measure and the state

self-esteem measure (Heatherton & Polivy, 1991). Participants

were fully debriefed about the study at the end of

the lab session. They were told that all of the lifestyle

information that they received was fabricated and that

“in general, most people experience some good things

in their lives and some bad things. There is no group

that has a particularly happy life based on their physical

appearance.”

 

Measures

 

Life outcomes. Based on a modified version of the possible

selves questionnaire (Markus & Nurius, 1986), the

life-outcomes measure asked participants to indicate on a

scale ranging from 1 (very unlikely to be true of me) to 9

(very likely to be true of me) the likelihood that they would

experience 32 positive (e.g., “I may be admired by others,”

“I may lead an exciting life”) and negative life circumstances

(e.g., “I may be pitied by others,” “I may be unhealthy”).

These items were pilot-tested in an earlier unrelated study

measuring the likelihood that a variety of situations could be

true of thin and fat women. Participants’ scores on the items

that measured positive life-outcomes were averaged to constitute

the positive life-outcomes variable (alpha = .85) and

participants’ scores on the items that measured negative

life outcomes were averaged to constitute the negative lifeoutcomes

variable (alpha = .86).

 

Mood. General mood after exposure to stimulus materials

was measured by asking participants to describe

how “thinking about the target in the photograph makes

you feel about yourself right now.” Participants were

asked to make ten bipolar ratings based on 9-point

scales ranging from –4 to +4 on the following adjectives:

depressed-elated, stressed-relaxed, dissatisfied-satisfied,

unhappy-happy, disappointed-relieved, insecure-secure,

self-conscious-self-confident, guilty-innocent, ashamedproud,

and negative-positive. The scores from these ten

adjectives were then averaged to create the mood variable

(alpha = .96).

 

State self-esteem. Possible momentary changes in selfesteem

after exposure to stimulus materials were measured

using the state self-esteem scale (SSES; Heatherton &

Polivy, 1991). This scale is a 20-item questionnaire with

three components: (a) appearance (6 items, alpha = .85);

(b) social (7 items, alpha = .83); and (c) performance (7

items, alpha = .80). The scale asks participants to reflect

on how they feel about themselves “right now” on items

such as, “I am pleased with my appearance right now”

(appearance), “I feel self-conscious” (social), and “I feel

confident about my abilities” (performance). State selfesteem

is measured by asking participants to rate themselves

on a scale ranging from 1 (not at all) to 5 (extremely)

with some items reverse scored (Heatherton & Polivy,

1991).

 

 

RESULTS

 

Comparability of Stimulus Materials

 

Because this study used two different photographs of female

models, a multivariate analysis of variance (MANOVA) was

conducted to show that the two models did not elicit different

responses on the dependent variables, F(6, 119) = .62,

ns. Because the two figures in the photographs showed no

significant differences across the dependent variables, the

data for the two photographs depicting the female figures

were collapsed throughout the rest of the analyses.

Body Mass Index

Participants’ actual BMI may influence the degree to which

they feel self-dissatisfied after comparing themselves to a

thin-ideal female image. Thus, all analyses were conducted

with participants’ BMI scores covaried out.

 

Differences Between Conditions (Stereotype Consistent

vs. Stereotype Inconsistent)

 

Two conditions (Condition 1 and Condition 4) composed

the stereotype-consistent category, in which Condition

1 explicitly supported the positive life-stereotypes

of thin females and Condition 4 implicitly supported

the stereotype. The other two conditions (Condition 2

and Condition 3) composed the stereotype-inconsistent

category, in which Condition 2 explicitly challenged the

positive life-stereotypes of thin females and Condition 3

negated the stereotype. To explore whether the strength

of manipulation varied within lifestyle information categories,

univariate analyses of covariance (ANCOVA) were

conducted to explore the possibility of differences between

Conditions 1 and 4, as well as Conditions 2 and 3, on the

dependent variables. There were no differences between

Conditions 1 and 4 or between Conditions 2 and 3. Of

particular interest to this study, the strength of manipulation

for both the stereotype-consistent conditions and

stereotype-inconsistent conditions did not differ on either

the positive or negative life-outcomes variables. As such,

all further analyses were conducted weighing Conditions

1 and 4 equivalently (known hereafter as the stereotypeconsistent

conditions), and Conditions 2 and 3 equivalently

(known hereafter as the stereotype-inconsistent

conditions).

Before examining the effects of stereotype condition on

the individual dependent variables, a multivariate analysis

of covariance (MANCOVA) was performed to measure the

impact of stereotype condition on all of the key dependent

variables. The results revealed a marginally significant

effect of condition, F(6, 118)=2.06, p = .06, which was

sufficient to warrant univariate tests. Hence, orthogonal

planned comparisons, weighing the stereotype-consistent

conditions against the stereotype-inconsistent conditions

(+1 −1 −1 +1), were performed on each of the dependent

variables.

 

Life Outcomes

 

A planned comparison was conducted to determine

whether the average ratings of positive life outcomes

differed across stereotype conditions. As hypothesized,

this comparison yielded significant results, t(121) = 1.98,

p <.05 with an effect size of η2 =.03, indicating that participants

in the stereotype-inconsistent conditions predicted

more positive life outcomes for themselves than those in the

stereotype-consistent conditions (see Table 1 for means and

standard deviations of all dependent variables). However, a

 

Table 1

 

 

 

Positive                                   Negative                                  Negated                                   No Info.

(n=32)                                     (n=36)                                     (n=30)                                    (n=28)

 

Positive Life Outcomes                    6.36            1.10                       6.56          .91                           6.74         1.07                         6.21          .97

Negative Life Outcomes                   3.07            1.10                       2.87          .95                          3.22          1.09                         3.31         1.06

Mood                                               −.98             1.50                      −.10         2.02                         −.47          1.61                      −1.46          1.72

Appearance SSES                            3.04               .84                       3.21           .85                          3.21           .66                          2.80          .77

Social SSES                                      3.68               .84                      3.96           .71                          3.81           .67                         3.54           .90

 

 

 

similar comparison revealed that the negative life outcomes

ratings did not differ across stereotype conditions, t(121) = .79, ns.

 

Mood

 

Consistent with the hypothesis, a planned comparison

contrasting the average mood scores in the stereotypeconsistent

conditions against the average mood scores

in the stereotype-inconsistent conditions revealed a

significant finding, t(121) = 3.17, p <.01 with an effect

size of η2 =.08. Thus, participants who received

stereotype-consistent information about the thin-ideal

target were more likely to report being in a negative mood

than participants who received stereotype-inconsistent

information about the target.

 

State Self-Esteem

 

As expected, those who were exposed to stereotypeconsistent

information experienced lower levels of state

self-esteem relative to those who were exposed to

stereotype-inconsistent information.Aplanned comparison

testing whether participants would report different levels

of appearance SSES as a function of condition was significant,

t(121) = 2.16, p <.05 with an effect size of η2 =.04,

as was a similar comparison testing for differences in social

SSES as a function of condition, t(121) = 2.01, p <.05

with an effect size of η2 =.03. However, the effect of condition

on performance SSES was not significant, t(121) = .13, ns.

 

 

DISCUSSION

 

It is generally accepted in the body image literature that

viewing images of thin, attractive females leads women to

feel more negatively about their own bodies. However, the

findings from the current study suggest that body image,

in and of itself, may not hold all of the answers to understanding

why women feel self-dissatisfied after exposure to

a thin model. Rather, the social context within which these

comparisons take place may be an important component

of the self-dissatisfaction, such as the beliefs that women

hold about the lifestyles or personality characteristics of

thin-ideal females.

Consistent with the predictions, confirming or disconfirming

life stereotypes about thin-ideal females

significantly impacted the self-satisfaction of the respondents.

Women who received stereotype-disconfirming

information about the thin target reported more optimistic

future life outcomes for themselves, more positive moods,

and higher appearance and social state self-esteem in

comparison to women who received stereotype-confirming

information about the thin target. Yet, women did not

report significant differences on negative life outcomes or

performance state self-esteem. These results seem reasonable

because respondents typically report low probabilities

of negative life outcomes (Markus&Nurius, 1986), and performance

self-esteem (e.g., levels of ability) may be more

remote from lifestyle and body image concerns.

An alternative explanation for the findings is that women

responded only to the life outcome scripts rather than

the association between life outcomes and thinness. Under

this rationale, however, women should have responded

more negatively in Condition 1, when they read the positive

stereotype-confirming information than in Condition 4,

when they read no lifestyle information. The fact that

women responded similarly in these two conditions suggests

that women attribute positive life circumstances to

thin-ideal females even in the absence of additional cueing

and may experience some self-dissatisfaction as a result of

this association.

In addition, because thinness and attractiveness were

confounded in the images, it is unclear whether thinness

or attractiveness affected women’s self-perceptions. It is

likely, however, that both thinness and attractiveness contributed

to women’s self-evaluation. Because media figures

tend to be facially attractive as well as thin in physique,

the dimensions of thin and attractive may be associated in

women’s minds. Nonetheless, future studies that are interested

in exploring the relative effects of weight and attractiveness

may want to add images of fat and average-weight

women to provide further insights on this topic. Including

fat and average-weight images may also enhance our

understanding of the stereotypes that women hold about

physical appearance and weight, such as beliefs that not

being thin may indeed lead to negative consequences (e.g.,

Quinn & Crocker, 1998).

Although there appears to be a relationship between

stereotype belief and self-satisfaction, several limitations

suggest that some caution should be taken in interpreting

the results. First, the life outcomes scale is a newly

developed measure that has not yet been well validated.

Moreover, the effect size of the positive life outcomes

finding was rather small, as were the effect sizes of the

other significant findings. The lack of validation for the life

outcomes measure and the small effect sizes suggest that

more research on stereotype beliefs and self-satisfaction

is needed before more unequivocal conclusions can be

made.

Second, studies have shown that whereas African American

women tend to experience more weight-related body

satisfaction than European American women (Cash &

Henry, 1995), Asian American and Hispanic American

women resemble European American women in their rates

of body-dissatisfaction (Cash & Henry, 1995; Evans &

McConnell, in press). Because racial differences seem to

influence women’s body satisfaction, it is plausible that race

may have affected the results of the current study. Unfortunately,

because this study lacks an adequate number of

women of color to examine their responses separately from

the responses of European American women, these analyses

were not performed. Future studies may gain valuable

insights into women’s body image dissatisfaction by including

more participants of color.

Third, because the dependent variables were not assessed

prior to stimulus exposure, it is possible that participants

differed on negative feelings prior to the experimental

manipulations. However, random assignment to

the different conditions should have minimized this possibility.

Also, because manipulation checks were not performed,

it cannot be stated with certainty that participants

accepted the lifestyle information that they were given or

if participants compared themselves to the target. Finally,

the presentation of life information about a thin-ideal female

image who is ostensibly “real” may be somewhat removed

from typical exposure to such images in decontextualized

settings (e.g., fashion magazines, commercials).

Future research on this topic should consider adapting the

current experimental paradigm using a variety of media

outlets.

Limitations aside, the findings from this study are valuable

because they bring to light another facet of body

image dissatisfaction. Specifically, this study extends past

research on body image by demonstrating that women’s

motivation to attain a thin-ideal physical appearance may

not stem merely from their body dissatisfaction, but also

from their motivation to attain general life satisfaction. In

order to fully understand the psychology of body image

dissatisfaction, we should move beyond focusing solely on

body-dissatisfaction and move toward a more comprehensive

understanding of physical appearance, including how

body-dissatisfaction takes place within a social and cultural

context.

 

Initial submission: July 12, 2002

Initial acceptance: October 15, 2002

Final acceptance: December 13, 2002

 

 

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